George Teer
Background
George Teer was the Navy Board's resident agent at Deptford in the final years of the American War, and under an ad hoc arrangement which continued until his death in 1789, oversaw the commissioning of the merchants ships taken up for the First Fleet, and the Lady Juliana.
He was highly regarded by the Comptroller of the Navy, Sir Charles Middleton, who relied heavily upon him to use the ships' capacity fully without compromising the safety of the ships or the health of soldiers and convicts.
Early Life
c.1735 – George Teer was born.
3 December 1757 – Teer qualified as a Master for 6th Rate ships. (TNA ADM106/2943)
31 March 1767 – Teer was examined by certificate. He appeared to be more than 32 years of age, had been to sea more than nine years and in the following qualities:
Medway buss(?) Able 0.2.1.0 Gunner’s Mate 0.3.0.3 Acting Gunner 0.4.3.3 Saltash sloop Master 1.2.1.2 Curies(?) Master 1.4.3.2 Prince of Orange Master 2.6.1.4 Hambro Master 2.3.3.3 Jason Master 1.7.2.4 9.9.1.0
He produced journals kept by himself in the Prince of Orange and certificates from Captains Stirling, Elphinstone, Bateman, Wallis, Reynolds, Watson and McBride of his diligence and that he could splice, knot and reef a sail and was qualified to do the duty of an able seaman and midshipman. Certificate dated 17 April 1767. (TNA ADM107/6)
A Lieutenant from 1767, he commanded a storeship that supplied provisions and stores to the garrison at Port Egmont in the Falklands Islands until 1772. (Roger Morriss, ‘Colonization, Conquest, and the Supply of Food and Transport: The Reorganization of Logistics Management, 1780-1795’, War in History, (2007) 14:3, pp.310-324 at p.314)
Resident Agent at Deptford
Teer was the resident agent at Deptford from 1779 until October 1785. (Morriss, p.314.) Thereafter he was employed on an ad hoc basis.
1783 – He was apparently made a Captain, ‘mainly as a reward for his practical contribution to the American war effort in the River Thames’. (Morriss, p.314)
18 July 1783 – Sir Charles Middleton (Comptroller of the Navy) to Lord Keppel on the abolition of fees and the payment of salaries at the two large shipyards at Deptford and Woolwich:
"If your Lordship will suffer me to make the trial at the two great receiving yards of Deptford and Woolwich, I will become answerable for the success; but the gentlemen whom I mean to recommend must have salaries equal to the confinement and trust that will necessarily attend their office. The gentlemen I mean are Captain Teer and Mr Cherry. I have had trial of both in situations that required the utmost firmness and integrity, and they have answered my fullest expectation; their ability and knowledge in the business are equally desirable. . . ." (John Knox Laughton (ed.), Letters and Papers of Charles, Lord Barham, 1758-1813, London: Naval Records Society, 1910, Vol.II, p.153)
4 October 1785 – The Navy Board advised Teer that as the greater part of the transports had arrived, and they did not see any further occasion for his service after the end of the month, his allowance as an Agent for Transports would cease at that time. (TNA ADM106/2619)
Presumably he went on half-pay at this time.
December 1786 – In his submission on the Navy Board made to the Baring inquiry, Middleton wrote of the part played by the yard officers during the war:
"Captain Teer, who was our agent at Deptford, will be able to give every kind of information on this head. He is a man of strict probity and may be depended on. He is very conversant, too, with dockyard business, having been so long employed under the navy board at Deptford." (Laughton, Vol.II, p.249)
1786-1789 – Teer was employed to inspect the fitting and loading of the Botany Bay transports. According to later documentation, he was formally not a Naval Agent, and was employed on an ad hoc basis and paid a gratuity for his services.
September 1787 – In a letter from Middleton to Pitt probably written at this time, the former dealt with the fitting of transports and the embarking of men at short notice in case of hostilities. He proposed the use of six 40-gun ships in good condition, which would be fitted out for the purpose:
"If the measure is adopted, I should propose Captain Teer, our agent at Deptford, or Captain Parry at Portsmouth, to overlook the fitting, as they will be able, from their experience and judgment in these matters, to find storage for some hundred more men in such an equipment than could be done under the direction of the dockyard officers or any other person not conversant in such business. . ." (Laughton, Vol.II, p.261)
This is an important passage, since it shows that fitting out a ship was an art not a science, and that with good design, a ship could take considerably more troops (or convicts). It also shows that Middleton respected Teer’s judgement in this regard.
1788 or early 1789 – At some point while he was in charge of the convicts, George Teer wrote a paper putting the case for a crowding ratio of two tons per person. This was introduced into the 1798 debate over the introduction of a similar regulation for the slave trade. The West India planters and Liverpool merchants argued that such a regulation would destroy the slave trade. In a letter to the Star, ‘Leo Africanus’ wrote:
"Let us now see how other men are accommodated, who are obliged to take long voyages in considerable numbers on board the same vessel. Captain Tear [sic], of the Navy, to whom (previous to the agitation of the present question) the accommodation of the convicts sentenced to Botany Bay was committed, represented that less space than two tons to each person would not be sufficient for the preservation of their lives. This proportion the result of so much deliberation and professional skill, was accordingly adopted, and is now observed in that department. As it may be objected that the voyage to Botany Bay is comparably longer than the Middle Passage, I beg leave to add that the same space (two tons for each person) is allowed for the troops conveyed from this country to the West Indies, a voyage of the same length as the Middle Passage – it is usual for only half of the soldiers to sleep below at a time, consequently each man has then to the rate of four tons to sleep in – besides the soldier is not in fetters, and can go upon deck when he pleases, but the security of the crew indispensably requires the men slaves to be kept in irons, and confined below decks all night, and the existence of the trade we are told, demands that they should be packed into one fourth part of the space that is allotted to soldiers." (Star, 11 May 1798)
Retirement and Death
By early 1789, Teer was unwell, and it was clear that he would have to resign.
25 April 1789 – Teer was to resign by this date.
He wrote to Sir Charles Middleton, summarising his years of service and offering some final advice:
"After having been under your particular protection and orders of the Navy Board from time to time, when it was thought useful to employ me in putting the directions of the Board into effect, as Agent for Transports, or Superintendent in fitting of hired transports or provisions in the River, or any other service which might have been thought useful; and having carried out that service with the utmost diligence and pure intentions, on my part (with strict survey on such parts as was deemed to be necessary), as follows, I have great reason to believe that upwards of six hundred hired transports have been under my directions in fitting the greatest part, in loading with all kind of naval stores, military provisions, troops, &c, which I suppose to be upwards of 200,000 tons; therefore have great reason to believe the Board had upwards of 100,000 tons in their pay, during the War, at an expense of £750,000 per annum, besides all other contingencies, must at least be one million or more.
"I have therefore used my utmost diligence in endeavouring to comply with your wishes, in forwarding the King’s service in the most effectual manner that I could contrive, as the ships of different models could be made most useful for the purposes of government, in the same manner as if they had been my own property. During the above time, I have by diligence and constant attention to the contrivance and stowage of all kind of stores, great reason to believe I have gained seldom less than ten percent on the tonnage of ships, often twenty, or thirty or more, ever considering each ton in the War to gain to gain to the public 10/10[?]. This has been done quietly, not even known to any person at the Board (except yourself and the Sea Commissioners). You have never heard of any complaint, either, that the ships were too tender, or too stiff, that the cargoes were damaged by improper stowage, or embezzled for want of a bulkhead of common [??], or any other fault that might be imputed to me.
"And I wish you to allow me to add on my part, without fee, reward, gratuity, directly or indirectly, or any kind of concern with any ship owner or contractor whatever that let ships or sold stores to the Navy Board. It is well known to you that in the latter part of the War, common transports were not adequate to the services of government, which I suppose induced the Board to buy several ships, British-built and Russian [first?] ships, at an expense from 15 to 16 pounds per ton the former, to 10/10 the latter. If the books were examined they would be found to have cost the public about a half more before they were fit for the service. The first were run up in about 4 months in the North Country; the others in the winter at Archangel, what may be fairly understood as slop ships or skeletons that want only everything. But as necessity has no law, they were bought to carry masts &c, which common transports could not perform, and fitted as armed ships (suppose upwards of 10,000 tons) with men at the rate of 10 men, officers included, per 100 tons. These ships carried more than their tonnage, besides provisions and stores for an [sic] armed ships. But from their construction, although coppered, it could not be expected they could sail fast, yet I believe none of them were captured. The whole of their conveniences were by the Board’s orders, under my regulation, agreeable to the services they were intended for, from time to time; & I believe you have received few or no complaints from the officers of any of them who have made voyages to the East or West Indies and America during the above period.
"Therefore, the intention of this private letter to you is to beg I may be still kept under your protection from whom I have the honest pride to acknowledge the rank I have the honour to be a Captain in the Royal Navy, and when I forfeit to you, the character of an honest man, I know & hope you will give me up.
"On receiving the directions of the Board in the 13th instant, I waited on the Board the 14th, the 16th went to Woolwich to consult with the officers at Woolwich about the Guardian, intended to carry provisions to Botany Bay; on the 17th informed the Board with what I judged would be useful; on the 20th on waiting on the Board, I was much concerned in finding so great an opposition by the Surveyor, on the alterations of taking down useless cabins and storerooms on the orlop deck, curtailing the magazine and boatswain’s, gunner’s and carpenter’s storerooms, which certainly could be done with part of what was already fixed, and working the cables and pumps on the upper deck, cutting scuttles in the ports, and other little trifles, which are very essential for the ship and cargo in hot climates, and of little expense.
"When contrasted with a ship carrying about eight months’ provisions as formerly fitted[?] to the Colony at Botany Bay, not very safely, with carrying, I believe above eighteen 67 tons of naval stores, which you intend to be sent to the Sirius and Supply, with the utmost security.
"From what is stated above, I have reason to believe my knowledge of transports, armed or hired, to be equal to the middling class of officers of the Navy (although from [??] people I have ever experienced opposition). Therefore will submit the following to your consideration.
"Suppose 24 ships of 44 guns to measure 21,000 tons – they will require, officers included, 2100 men – carry 12,000 troops to the East Indies with their baggage, camp equipage, and return back in one year; to the West Indies, 18,000 troops on [??] occasion, and return back in four months, as has been proved last winter by the Chichester and other ships in little more than three months; to Halifax or Canada in the summer, the same number in six months; to Botany Bay, provisions by touching at Tenerife a week, the Cape a week or ten days, Botany Bay about six weeks, at Stattenland at all times of the year, about a week or ten days, where on the [??] I am informed there is good harbours, wood, water, seafowl in great plenty, by taking off the skin and purging them with salt water are wholesome food for hungry men, which I have experienced at Falklands Island (only two days sail from it should they be put past [??] at South [??] or Carlisle Sound for the same purpose) in the course of seven years’ service. [??] on whole year at the island, in the Jason frigate, Captain Macbride, and the five years after commanding the Florida storeship, during three voyages with provisions & stores from the Channel Back, when I went out singly to the above islands. I was from land half to seven months. The fourth under the command of Commodore Stott, nearly 5½ months on the passage out, by stopping at Madeira, Tenerife, St Iago and Rio Janeiro. The above service was from 1765 to 1772.
"During the five years in the Florida, not a man died with the scurvy, although remaining only five or six weeks at Falklands Islands, and having the whole of the store to hoist out and land with a small ships company & ship’s boats, & to ballast the ship in the above time. I could only merchant man-like allow the men Sundays to go on shore to get penguins [??] to refresh themselves for a week, which they did in such a manner as to be in a better state of health at sailing home than on going out from England.
"Should a ship miss Falklands also, by steering well to the Eastward it is almost certain, at any season of the year, to arrive at St Helena in or about three weeks, and from that place to England is a well known passage of from 6 to 9 weeks. Therefore on the whole, a copper-bottomed ship may be expected to arrive at the Cape, allowing for a week’s stop at Tenerife to refresh and water (the wine for the people much superior to what is given at Madeira & a safer place in the winter) in about 9 or 10 weeks. Suppose at the Cape, or False Bay according to the season, a week or ten days more, a single ship may from thence sail to Botany Bay in or about six weeks – six weeks to discharge ballast; from Botany Bay to Cape Horn about six weeks (too Furnaux in King’s ships and Borrowdale a transport, 272 tons Reed, only seven from land to land, just arrived; the last unfortunately was afraid of touching at Stattenland, or Falklands Islands which his little company could have been well refreshed & the ship refitted, proceeded to Rio Janeiro in about 15 days, little more than 9 weeks, he was within a day or two’s sail of the place, and instead of going to St Helena, he was obliged to go by northerly winds & light airs a great way to the eastward, was six or seven weeks or more before he arrived & lost five men out of a very small complement by the scurvy. This is proof that the coast of Brazil is not the quickest method of going or coming round the world.
"Therefore, from what I have said above, hope you will go along with me in opinion that a ship may go from England to the Cape in three months any time of the year, from the Cape & to be discharged at Botany Bay in three months more, from Botany Bay to Falklands Islands, allowing to refresh in two months, and I have experienced in the Jason in 1767, that a ship can come home in fifty six days from that place. This is much within a year.
"I have in the Florida sailed from the sight of the Rock of Lisbon on the 25th of October &, laying to under a main sail, stopped at Madeira four days, at St Iago three to water, and on the 25th of December, anchored at midnight in the entrance of Port Egmont Harbour, a loaded storeship uncoppered.
"As 44 gun ships are best constructed for carrying troops, provisions, naval or military stores, than any other class of His Majesty’s ships, or of being made hospital ships, they might even be used to carry seamen, prest or volunteers, on any occasion; by first preparing them with [??] ports of ¾ inches square in the orlop and gunroom, making the after cap stern be worked on the quarter deck or upper gun deck, by the same method that the main cap stern is worked, on the upper or lower gun decks, spare hawse holes to be ready on the upper gun deck, to the gun deck, which I find by Mr Nelson’s skill in his profession, to be done without any kind of detriment to the working of cables below. The pumps always to be worked on the upper deck. The magazine so contrived as at present intended for a magazine and light room for a store ship to be alight and filling room only, when fully armed, the coal hole would be a temporary magazine, and the most trifling expense, would change them from a man of war of 44 guns to a store ship &c, of 16 upper deck guns, 2 quarter deck & 2 forecastle guns – the same masts, only shorten the yards on sixth part, which is found to make them as troops ships sail equal or superior to any ship completely armed. They will be found when commanded by men of service, not much above or under thirty years of age, to be able to perform more service than twice the number of their tonnage in time of peace, and five times as much in time of war, of all hired ships, and the troops will be carried in health, and fit for service, to any climate, which never was the case in hired ships, the stores will be faithfully preserved by all good officers, as storeships, they will defend themselves equal to a 20 gun ship, with troops, equal to a 28 gun ship. Each ship can carry anywhere, two flat boats, cover & land, & take off their men; in short trips, three or four boats – to Gibraltar a thousand men, or eight hundred tons of heavy provisions and return in six weeks, in the presence of all the frigates that Spain can [??] up at sea any time of the year.
"I believe I may venture to say that with a store ship’s company, they have more real seamen on board, than a 44 with a peace complement, and whether they are wearing out at sea or being [destroyed?] in a harbour is very little consequence. I very much wish the above may meet with your approbation, and am sir, Your most obliged servant, George Teer." (Middleton In Letters from George Teer, 1789, NMM MID/1/184)
14, 15, 20 May 1789 – Teer was still involved in managing the Board’s business. (TNA ADM106/2630)
27 May 1789 – The Navy Board considered a letter from Andrew Miller, the NSW Commissary, relative to the deficiency of provisions. They resolved to send a copy of Captain Teer’s letter relative to the provisions ‘and agree with him [presumably Miller] in opinion that the Casks used in carrying Provisions to laces at so great a distance as Botany Bay ought to be of the best kind.‘ (TNA ADM106/2630)
30 May 1789 – The Navy Board responded to a letter from Teer, instructing its officers to acquaint the Treasury of the quantity of provisions, clothing, &c put on board and the number of convicts which is as many as the Lady Juliana could stow and desire further directions for her proceeding. (TNA ADM106/2630)
1 June 1789 – Teer’s last letter to the Navy Board. ‘I have the misfortune to be confined to a sick bed’ and thus was not able to inspect the Britannia, at Union Stairs. The Board directed the Master Attendant to inspect her. (TNA ADM106/243; TNA ADM106/2630)
Arrangements were already well underway to appoint Teer’s replacement, James Bowen.
20 June 1789 – Secretary of the Admiralty to Vice Admiral Graves, Plymouth. ‘Captain Macbride, Commander of His Majesty’s Ship Cumberland having applied to my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty for 14 days leave of absence for Mr Bowen, Master of the said ship, I am commanded by their Lordships to signify their direction to you to give him the said leave accordingly.’ (TNA ADM2/591/31)
22 June 1789 – Admiral Greaves wrote to the Board advising them that he had given Mr Bowen, Master of the Cumberland, leave to come to town. (TNA ADM106/2630, 24 June)
24 June 1789 – The Navy Board read the letter from Admiral Greaves. (TNA ADM106/2630)
25 June 1789 – Bowen wrote to the Navy Board, presumably advising them that he had arrived in town. They directed him to attend the Board the following morning. (TNA ADM106/2630)
26 June 1789 – Bowen attended the Navy Board, presumably for an interview, when he was offered the job.
29 June 1789 – Teer was dead by this date.
- The Navy Board directed their officers to acquaint Messrs Neave and Aislabie that they had appointed Mr James Bowen to superintend the fitting of transports and to inspect the provisions ordered to be shipped from the River Thames in the room of the late Captain Teer. (TNA ADM106/2630)
30 September 1789 – On this date, the Admiralty wrote to the Navy Board, recommending that, in light of Teer’s death, the want of the usual affidavit for half pay between 1 January and 16 June last might be dispensed with. They inquired whether Captain Teer was employed during any part of this time ‘as an Agent to Transports or had any other employment’ under the Navy Board.
The note on the reverse read that the officers were to respond:
"That we have had no regular Agent since the Peace, and that Captain Teer was employed in no other way than to inspect occasionally provisions or stores sent out by the Commissioners of the Navy to Botany & only paid a gratuity at such times." (TNA ADM/A/2826 and TNA ADM106/2631, 5 October)
